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The Winnipeg police zero-tolerance policy on domestic violence has survived a unique legal challenge.
A civil court jury ruled Wednesday that two city...
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1. Background
On June 26, 2008, Canada's Competition Policy Review
Panel (the "Panel") issued its Final
Report entitled Compete to...
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ENERGY IN RUSSIA: WESTERN PERCEPTION AND THE DOMESTIC VIEW Were residents of one of the OECD countries to be asked why Russia is an important country ...
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This paper explores child support recalculation options for Ontario in light of the recent Supreme Court cases D.B.S. v. S.R.G.; L.J. W. v. T.A.R.; Henry v. Henry; Hiemstra v. Hiemstra (D.B.S.). Because Ontario lacks a public recalculation service, and because D.B.S. puts the onus on recipient parents to request increased support, individual parents are currently forced to renegotiate child support arrangements in the private sphere. The author suggests that this leaves recipient parents vulnerable to ongoing threats of domestic violence. As potential alternatives, she examines the recalculation regimes implemented in two Canadian jurisdictions. While Newfoundland has implemented an administrative scheme, Manitoba's formalized process relies heavily upon the courts. Ultimately, the auth...
... analysis will include a discussion of the policy implications of introducing such legislation. Ulti...
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This article examines the current environment for cross-border relations and ongoing North American economic integration. Cross-border relations are seen as a "two-level game" in which policy makers attempt to balance competing domestic interests with the formation of compatible cross-border coalitions capable of reconciling policy differences. Absent a strategic policy consensus, their focus reverts to its default mode: the management of discrete issues through decentralized institutions and networks of established relationships among policy-makers and related interests. security continues to trump trade facilitation. Canada-US cooperation on border issues risks being ambushed by unresolved US-Mexico conflicts and their echoes in US domestic politics. The most promising response to the...
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Over 10 years I have watched this grow. (If you had told me a decade ago that I would be tackling terrorism, I would have readily understood, but thought you meant Irish Republican terrorism.) The line between "foreign" and "domestic" policy is being blurred. Climate change is a big issue in developed nations' politics today. It can be beaten only by global action.
We can debate and re-debate the rights or wrongs of removing Saddam. But the reality is that if you took al-Qaida (in Iraq before Saddam's fall) out of the conflict in or around Baghdad, without the car bombs aimed at civilians and the destruction of monuments like the Samarra Shrine, it would be possible to calm the situation. Events in Anbar province, where slowly but surely Sunni opinion is turning on al-Qaida, show it. An...
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Canada has identified 2011 as the deadline for withdrawing military forces from Afghanistan. Whether we keep that deadline is unclear. The war is getting more violent and more politically complex. In the latter part of the decade, Canada lost a lot of innocence in Afghanistan. With each flag-draped coffin, we were reminded that the struggle between western democracies and parts of the Islamic world is closer to home than we'd like to acknowledge.
That brings us to our next major story and theme for the decade to come: the increasing influence of the U.S. on Canadian foreign and domestic policy. From climate change to financial regulation and the war in Afghanistan, Canada will be continue to serve as a wind chime on Uncle Sam's porch.
In the past year, much of the political news was foc...
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The so-called Lisbon Treaty interferes with such sovereign rights as a government's ability to pass its particular laws, set its own foreign policy, or even its own domestic policy if it contravenes the constitution. Every nation in Europe has its peculiar concerns -- the Irish were worried about their abortion law, among other things -- that the Lisbon Treaty does not allow for. This week, Ireland is under immense pressure to disallow that vote. Instead, it should demand that all its European partners follow its example and permit their people to express their opinions in popular referendums.
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That buildup is a good thing, and Canadians should be grateful that, as [Stephen Harper] put it, Canada's military policy has switched from the "soft power" of the Liberals to the "hard power" of today. "To do soft power, you need hard power," as the multi-purpose C-17s are proving in Haiti and Afghanistan today, the prime minister told a befuddled Haitian audience that had probably hoped to hear more about what kind of hard help Canada was going to offer.
There was nothing untrue or dishonest -- usual political exceptions being allowed for -- in what the two Conservatives said. But both comments were unnecessary, untimely and unhelpful. [Peter Kent] used defence policy to play to the Jewish vote; Harper played to the domestic audience rather than the Haitian one that had come to hear a...
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[Tony Blair]'s official spokesman described it as "an event I'd never seen before. At the end of cabinet, the prime minister was given a standing ovation by his colleagues. The only way to bring the standing ovation to a close was to leave the room.
Legislators paid tribute to Blair for his achievements in both foreign and domestic policy. Both Iraq and Afghanistan were mentioned, the spokesman said, and Blair's colleagues praised him for making those "difficult decisions."
Of [Gordon Brown], the prime minister said he had the qualities to make a great prime minister, and he said he would have his unswerving support," the spokesman said. "He finished by saying 'This is the right moment to go."'