Improving gender representation in Canadian federal politics and parliament.

AuthorGalandy, Jennifer

How can we establish equitable gender representation in Canadian politics and parliament? What obstacles stand in the way of this goal? And, what can serving Canadian parliamentarians tell us about the challenges they have either experienced or witnessed among their colleagues. In this article, the authors use primary interviews with six MPs and a secondary literature review to explore theories used in support of methods designed to improve gender representation. They conclude by suggesting that methods to improve gender representation in politics need to be fulsome and diverse.

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Discussions about gender representation occur in workplaces across Canada; so it's no surprise they have also emerged within the world of politics. Researchers have examined gender representation in parliaments and sought to determine which political parties have had the most success at accomplishing equitable representation or at least improving gender representation. Studying methods to improve representation (1) is important. If we determine which methods work well, our research can guide governments and political parties to enact effective change. In this article, through a secondary literature review and interviews with sitting parliamentarians representing three parties, we explore some of the barriers to achieving effective gender representation (2) within Canada's federal political system. We conclude by suggesting that methods to improve gender representation in politics need to be fulsome and diverse. (3)

Theoretical Foundation

A variety of theories have been used in support of methods aimed at improving gender representation in formal politics. Although we mention them only briefly due to space constraints, these theories inform the approaches used to address disparities in representation. Gender Politics Theory (4) declares that societal gender norms permeate roles in the workplace. Politics of Presence Theory (5) maintains that only through increased representation of women, and by prioritising women's ideas and issues, can a gender-balanced political environment be achieved. Dramaturgy Theory (6) states that humans have "front and back stages" that may or may not be authentic, but that people adopt those "stages" for compliance and acceptance in the (political) workplace.

Society informs gender roles and also creates barriers for women's political involvement; these include defining "... the ways considered appropriate for women or men [to act]." (7) Gender roles, in turn, inform relationships at a workplace. Broadly, Western cultures have assigned a higher status to men in public spaces; men are, therefore, considered more powerful in these spaces. In return, women's value is diminished. This (artificially constructed) idea of power contributes to how gender roles are expected to be expressed in the home, at work and, consequently, in politics. The "unequal distribution of power ... in most contemporary democracies" (8) is therefore unsurprising. Canada ranked 62 of 190 countries (26.3 per cent) for representation of women in political roles in 2017; the United States ranked 104 (19.1 per cent); and the United Kingdom ranked 47 (30 per cent). (9)

Even if women gain entry to political office, various barriers continue to prevent them from moving to a "higher rung on the ladder" using the same level of effort as men. One barrier is the "glass ceiling" effect. (10) Invisible constraints, including gendered expectations of managing work-life balance and financial limitations (unequal pay and lack of access to funding networks), contribute to blocking promotion and advancement to higher levels of office.

Another barrier is the "sacrificial lamb" concept. Inexperienced women are sometimes recruited to be candidates to demonstrate a party's commitment to gender representation, but placed in constituencies where a party has little chance of winning. (11) If female candidates are more likely to be found in unwinnable districts, it creates false female representation. (12) These "sacrificial lamb" campaigns, combined with the media's tendency to focus on women's personal life and physical appearance, feed into the (false) belief that women are unqualified. (13) Voter expectations are also gendered from decades-old conditioning against female candidates who they may "like," but not necessarily "respect" or "support" when they are "seeking power." (14) Scholars acknowledge that "gendered socialisation patterns" (15) hinder the supply of women candidates who may be shamed for stepping out of the socially constructed role as caregiver.

In this article we contend that a means to increase women's representations must be based on two principles:

1) supporting more women in politics (into viable constituencies and into effective positions); and

2) prioritizing female representation within "all male or mostly male assemblies." (16)

Methodology

Drawing on Galandy's previous work, (17) we explored gender barriers within Canada's federal political system through three theoretical lenses: gender politics, politics of presence, and dramaturgy, along with analysing primary data (individual interviews with MPs) and secondary data (literature review). The interviews queried how politicians conduct themselves in parliament and how their conduct may relate to the social structures and roles of women outside and within politics. This was a snapshot case study of a single entity at a single point in time with the goal of uncovering patterns in politics that articulate barriers women face in Canadian politics.

Interviews used a semi-standardised format, and the purposive sample was generated from the three political parties that have...

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