Is it safe to bring myself to work? Understanding LGBTQ experiences of workplace dignity

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1002/cjas.1439
Date01 June 2017
Published date01 June 2017
Is it safe to bring myself to work? Understanding
LGBTQ experiences of workplace dignity
Sara J. Baker*
Southern Connecticut State University
Kristen Lucas
University of Louisville
Abstract
Despite increased efforts by more organizations to be seen
as gay-friendly,workplaces remain challenging sites for
LGBTQ employees to navigate. We examine the ways in
which LGBTQ employees experience dignity threats in the
workplace and the protection strategies they use to def‌lect
those threats. Interviews with 36 LGBTQ working adults re-
vealed that their dignity is threatened by a range of identity-
sensitive inequalities that undermine their safety and secu-
rity when they claim authentic gendered/sexual identities.
Specif‌ic safety and security threats to dignity include social
harm, autonomy violations, career harm, and physical
harm. To (re)claim their dignity, they engage in four primary
dignity protection strategies: avoiding harm by seeking safe
spaces, def‌lecting harm with sexual identity management,
offsetting identity devaluations by emphasizing instrumental
value, and creating safe spaces for authenticity and dignity.
Copyright © 2017 ASAC. Published by John Wiley & Sons,
Ltd.
Keywords: authenticity, gay-friendly, heteronormativity,
safety, sexual identity management, workplace dignity
Résumé
Même si de plus en plus dorganisations déploient des ef-
forts accrus pour paraître « favorables aux gays », les lieux
de travail continuent dêtre des cadres dans lesquels les em-
ployés LGBTQ peinent à sépanouir. Dans cet article, nous
examinons les différentes formes de menace qui pèsent sur
la dignité de ces derniers et les stratégies de protection
quils utilisent pour y faire face. Les interviews réalisées
auprès de 36 travailleurs LGBTQ révèlent que lorsque ces
derniers revendiquent des identités sexuées/sexuelles
authentiques, leur dignité est menacée par un ensemble
dinégalités identitaires qui minent leur sûreté et leur
sécurité. Ces menaces sont, entre autres, des dommages
sociales, professionnelles et physiques, ainsi que des viola-
tions de leur autonomie. Pour (ré)aff‌irmer leur identité, les
employés LGBTQ déploient quatre principales stratégies
de protection à savoir: lévitement des dangers par la
recherche de lieux sûrs, le détournement des dangers grâce
à la gestion de lidentité sexuelle, la compensation des dé-
valuations identitaires par la réaff‌irmation de la valeur
instrumentale et la création des espaces sûrs dans lesquels
lauthenticité et la dignité sont valorisées. Copyright ©
2017 ASAC. Published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Mots-clés : authenticité, favorables aux gays,
hétéronormativité, sûreté, gestion de lidentité sexuelle,
dignité en milieu professionnelle.
While disrespectful communication plagues many em-
ployees on a daily basis, problematic exchanges may be
even more pervasive or severe for individuals who perform
their gender, sex, and sexuality in ways that differ from
heteronormative expectations. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans,
and queer (LGBTQ) employees often are met with messages
and experiences that are particularly damagingincluding,
but not limited to such things as bullying (Cowan, 2007;
Hunt & Dick, 2008), discrimination (Bedgett, Lau, Sears,
& Ho, 2007; Lewis, 2006, 2009; Ozturk, 2011; Sears &
Mallory, 2011), harassment (Bedgett et al., 2007; Das,
2009; Meyer, 2009), hurtful jokes and taunts (Baker, 2010;
Silverschanz, Cortina, Konik, & Magley, 2008), and
ostracism (Embrick, Walther, & Wickens, 2007).
We explore the experiences of LGBTQ people in the
workforce through a workplace dignity lens. Specif‌ically,
we identify the unique dignity threats LGBTQ working
adults experience because of their gender and sexuality.
We then describe the dignity protection strategies LBGTQ
employees use to def‌lect threats. By viewing these experi-
ences through a workplace dignity lens, we draw attention
to the complexity of dignity negotiations as related to mar-
ginalized and stigmatized social identities.
*Please address correspondence to: Sara J. Baker, Southern Connecticut
State University. Email: sabaker3@gmail.com
Canadian Journal of Administrative Sciences
Revue canadienne des sciences de ladministration
34: 133148 (2017)
Published online in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com) DOI: 10.1002/CJAS.1439
Can J Adm Sci
34(2), 133148 (2017)Copyright © 2017 ASAC. Published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 133
The Gay Unfriendly Workplace
The term gay-friendlyhas become a catch-all label for
environments where LGBTQ individuals feel accepted
(Giuffre, Dellinger, & Williams, 2008). Workplaces have
been designated as gay-friendly based on equal employment
opportunity policies, the availability of employment benef‌its
(e.g., partner benef‌its, trans*inclusive health care), demon-
strations of organizational LGBT competency (e.g., training,
resources, employee group or diversity councils), and public
commitments to LGBT advocacy (e.g., employee recruit-
ment, philanthropic support of LGBT organizations or
events) (Human Rights Campaign, 2015). Despite these ef-
forts to make organizations more inclusive and welcoming,
workplaces remain largely gay unfriendly. In particular,
LGBTQ employees can be harmed in the workplace by dis-
crimination and sexuality-specif‌ic microaggressions.
For LGBTQ employees, workplace discrimination is
marked by a lack of consistent formal policies and informal,
prejudicial treatment that affects material outcomes includ-
ing decisions about hiring, f‌iring, job assignments, promo-
tion opportunities, and fringe benef‌its (Lewis, 2009). For
example, survey data revealed that one in four lesbian,
gay, and bisexual employees reported experiencing employ-
ment discrimination, but for those who are out at work, the
frequency increased to nearly one in three (Sears & Mallory,
2011). Discrimination can bar LGBTQ employees from ac-
cess to certain organizations and jobs. An ethnographic
study of a large company in the United States revealed that
90% of respondents admitted they would not hire anyone
they thought was gay, would not consider them the best or
f‌irst choice for the position, and, if given the chance, would
not rehire gay or lesbian employees already employed
(Embrick et al., 2007). Once LGBTQ employees gain access
to the workplace, they may have diff‌iculty being promoted
or maintaining secure employment. For instance, 7% of
LGB employees surveyed had lost a job due to their sexual-
ity, while 9% of LGB employees who are out at work re-
ported losing a job due to their sexuality (Sears & Mallory,
2011). Finally, LGBTQ employees experience discrimina-
tion in terms of equal pay and benef‌its. Between 10-19%
of LGB employees believe they were the recipients of un-
equal pay or benef‌its (Bedgett et al., 2007). These percep-
tions are not unfounded. In Canada, white, gay men with
partners earn 5% less than heterosexual men with partners
(Waite & Denier, 2015), which is similar to the pay disparity
in the US workforce (Pinsker, 2015).
Notably, LGBTQ employees can be harmed in the work-
place whether or not they face overt and legally-actionable
discrimination. They also may be harmed by repetitive, small
injuries inf‌licted by microaggressions. Nadal (2008) de-
scribed microaggressions as brief and commonplace daily
verbal, behavioral or environmental indignities(p. 23)
that are communicated as microassaults, microinsults,
and microinvalidations (Sue, 2010). Nadal, Rivera, and
Corpus (2010) outlined a taxonomy of seven common
sexual orientation specif‌ic microaggressions: (a) use of
heterosexist and transphobic terminology (e.g., calling an
LGBTQ employee a faggot,”“dyke,or tranny); (b)
endorsement of heteronormative or gender-normative
cultures/behaviours (e.g., implicit dress codes that align
with birth sex); (c) assumption of universal LGBTQ ex-
periences (e.g., stereotyping lesbian women as being
butchor gay men as being into fashion or design);
(d) exoticization (e.g., asking explicit questions about
sex and genitalia); (e) discomfort/disapproval with
LGBTQ experience (e.g., believing that LGBTQ couples
should not raise children); (f) denial of societal heterosex-
ism or transphobia (e.g., a co-worker telling an LGBTQ
employee that they are being overly sensitiveabout dis-
crimination); and (g) assumption of sexual pathology/ab-
normality (e.g., believing that all gay men have HIV/
AIDS or are child molesters). In follow-up research,
Nadal, Issa, Leon, Meterko, Wideman, and Wong
(2011) added an eighth microaggression: denial of indi-
vidual heterosexism/transphobia (e.g., saying I have a
gay friendto refute accusations of homophobia).
Combined, workplace discrimination and the communi-
cation of sexuality-specif‌ic microaggressions paint a trou-
bling picture of organizational life for LGBTQ employees.
While organizations are increasingly implementing LGBTQ
protection policies and seeking to create gay-friendly work-
places, there is certainly more work to be done in order for
LGBTQ employees to achieve a full sense of workplace
dignity.
Workplace Dignity
A valuable way to examine LGBTQ individualsprob-
lematic experiences in the workplace is through the theoret-
ical lens of workplace dignity. Workplace dignity is def‌ined
as the ability to establish a sense of self-worth and self-re-
spect and to appreciate the respect of others(Hodson,
2001, p. 3)that is, dignity is simultaneously highly per-
sonal and highly relational. Dignity is about onesown
sense of self and the ability to maintain and protect that core
part of being; at the same time, ones dignity is dependent
upon others in order to be recognized. Moreover, the core
principle of dignity is a fundamental belief that dignity is a
universal and unconditional right of all human beings who
possess, simply by virtue of being human, an inherent and
equal value to all others (Lee, 2008). Because of its norma-
tive stance, dignity provides an important lens for under-
standing the experiences of people who experience
challenges to their worthiness, esteem, and respect. A dig-
nity framework is important for understanding LGBTQ ex-
periences because it necessarily broadens the scope of
attention from illegal and unethical behaviours that inf‌lict
harm to include behaviours that are necessary to aff‌irm
LGBTQ EXPERIENCES OF WORKPLACE DIGNITY BAKER & LUCAS
Can J Adm Sci
34(2), 133148 (2017)Copyright © 2017 ASAC. Published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 134

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