Classification

AuthorChristopher Rootham
Pages624-642
624
 
Classif‌ication
A. INTRODUCTION
This book is the only legal text that would dedicate an entire chapter
to job classif‌ications. This ref‌lects the importance of job classif‌ication
to employees in the federal public service. The second-largest federal
public service union the Professional Institute of the Public Service
of Canada was founded in 1920 in response to concerns about clas-
sif‌ication reform, in particular the hostility of some civil servants to
the American f‌irms that had been hired to survey the organization and
classif‌ication structure of the Canadian civil service. The larger bar-
gaining agents in the federal public service have dedicated classif‌ication
“experts” to assist their members in challenging the classif‌ication of
their jobs. Management also has its own classif‌ication “experts” to
review classif‌ication decisions and, when necessary, reclassify positions.
Employees of the federal public service are very concerned about their
job classif‌ication, hence the need for all of these experts.
Classif‌ication is important because the identity of an employee’s bar-
gaining agent, the level of pay for an employee, and their promotional
prospects depend on their classif‌ication. As discussed in Chapter5, bar-
gaining units in the federal public service typically follow classif‌ication
lines. Furthermore, the various collective agreements in the federal pub-
lic service contain dierent levels of pay for each classif‌ication level.
Finally, some positions in the federal public service require experience
at a particular classif‌ication level for a candidate to be eligible for that
Classif‌ication | 625
position. Therefore, classif‌ication can have a signif‌icant impact on an
employee’s career.
Classif‌ication in the federal public service has also been subject to
legislative control. The 1992 Public Service Reform Act required the
federal government to prepare new occupational groups.1 The impact of
this Act on the bargaining unit structure in the federal public service has
already been addressed;2 however, creating new occupational groups
required new job classif‌ications as well. Thus began what seemed like
an endless stream of classif‌ication reform.
While attempts to reform the public service classif‌ication system
date back to the mid-1980s, the f‌irst attempt at major reform began
in 1997 with the Universal Classif‌ication Standard (UCS) project. The
goal of this project was ostensibly to make the classif‌ication system
simpler and less burdensome and to reduce administrative costs. The
original design was to reform the classif‌ication system on a universal
basis applicable to all occupational groups, except the Executive Group.
There were two reasons for this plan. First, it was hoped that a common
approach to job measurement (one standard versus the seventy-two in
place in 1997) would greatly simplify the system, reduce the admin-
istrative burden on managers, and lower the administrative overhead
costs of maintaining the system. Second, a single classif‌ication standard
would facilitate the creation of a single corresponding pay structure.
Collapsing all of the occupational group pay structures into one struc-
ture also appeared to be the most promising way to ensure compliance
with the requirements of the Canadian Human Rights Act for equal pay
for work of equal value.
Despite these good intentions, the Treasury Board abandoned the
UCS project in 2002.3 It decided that a universal approach to classif‌ica-
tion would impair human resources. While the Public Service Human
Resources Management Agency of Canada maintained that the UCS
project provided a benef‌it to the public service, it is hard to escape the
conclusion that the public service wasted millions of dollars on fruitless
classif‌ication reform.
1 Public Service Reform Act, SC 1992, c 54, s 101.
2 Above in Chapter 6.
3 This was announced in a press release euphemistically called “Government
Moves Ahead with Classif‌ication Reform” (8 May 2002).

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