The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms
Author | Patrick J. Monahan, Byron Shaw |
Pages | 411-473 |
411
CHAPTER 13
THE
CANADIAN
CHARTER OF RIGHTS
AND FREEDOMS
A. THE ENACTMENT OF THE
CHARTER
Following the end of the Second World War, there was growing inter-
national support for the concept of constitutionally protecting human
rights. In 1948, the United Nations adopted the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights1 and, over the next few decades, human rights pro-
tection was incorporated in a number of international covenants and
conventions,2 as well as in the domestic constitutions of m any states. In
Canada, this international trend was reflected in the enactment of the
Canadian Bill of Rights in 1960,3 as well as the adoption of human rights
codes at the provincial and federal level.4 However, the Canadian Bill of
1 1948 G.A. Res. 217A (III), U.N. Doc. A/810, at 71.
2 See, for example, th e International Covenan t on Civil and Political Rights, 999
Rights, 999 U.N.T.S. 3.
3 S.C. 1960, c. 44; R.S.C. 1985, App. III.
4 The first human ri ghts code was enacted in Sa skatchewan in 1947: see the
Saskatchewan Bill of Rights, 1947, S.S. 1947, c. 35. This was followed by si milar
codes enacted b y the other provinces and, in 1978, the Can adian Human Rights
Act (S.C. 1976–77, c. 33; R.S.C. 1985, c. H-6) was enacted by Parl iament. Human
rights code s are primarily concer ned with prohibiting unl awful discrim ination
in the provis ion of certain goods, ser vices, facilities, or employ ment; as such,
they have a much more res tricted scope than fu ndamental rights doc uments,
such as the Cana dian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Par t 1 of the Constitution
Act, 1982, being Schedule B to the Can ada Act 1982 (U.K.), 1982, c. 11 [Charter].
CONSTITUTIONA L LAW
412
Rights and the provincial and federal human rights codes were not con-
stitutionally entrenched. Furthermore, the Canadian Bill of Rights was
a federal statute and could not be applied to matters within provincial
jurisdiction. Moreover, the Bill was interpreted in an extremely nar-
row fashion by the judiciary. From 1960 to 1982, claimants invoking
the Canadian Bill of Rights were successful in just five of the thirty-five
cases that reached the Supreme Court of Canada. The Supreme Court
found that a provision in a federal statute was inoperative in just one
instance.5
Following his election as prime minister in 1968, Pierre Trudeau
attempted to obtain the support of the provinces for the enactment of
an entrenched charter of rights that would be constitutionally binding
on both levels of government. Trudeau initiated a three-year process of
constitutional negotiations with the provinces that culminated in May
1971 with the drafting of a “Canadian Constitutional Charter,” com-
monly referred to as the Victoria Charter. The Victoria Charter, which
included guarantees for political rights and language rights, was ap-
proved in principle by the premiers of all ten provinces at a meeting
in Victoria on 16 June 1971. All eleven governments were to indicate
by 28 June 1971 whether they approved the draft Charter without fur-
ther amendments and whether they would submit it to their respective
legislatures for approval. While eight of the ten provinces subsequently
approved the draft Charter, Quebec and Saskatchewan were unwilling
to proceed without amendments, which put a temporary end to the
constitutional discussions.
Despite the failure of the Victoria Charter, Trudeau remained com-
mitted to the constitutional entrenchment of a charter of rights. In the
May 1980 Quebec referendum, Trudeau had promised “renewed feder-
alism” in return for a vote against the Quebec government’s proposals
for sovereignty association. When federal-provincial negotiations over
the summer and early fall of 1980 failed to produce a consensus on con-
Human right s codes apply to private as well as publ ic bodies, whereas the Char-
ter applies only to leg islatures and governme nts.
5 R. v. Drybones, [1970] S.C.R. 282 [Drybones]. Although not constitutional ly en-
trenched, the Cana dian Bill of Rights contained a provis ion stating that federal
laws were to be “const rued and applied as not to abrogate, abrid ge or infringe …
any of the right s or freedoms herein recogni zed and declared.” In Drybones, the
Supreme Court relied on t his language to hold that , in cases where provision s
in a federal stat ute were necessarily in con flict with rights protecte d by the Bill,
the offending st atutory provisions were rende red inoperative.
The Canadian Ch arter of Rights and Freedoms
413
stitutional reform, Trudeau introduced a parliamentary resolution in
October 1980, which included a proposal for a charter of rights.6
The proposed charter of rights sparked a fierce political debate over
the 1980–82 period. On one side of the debate were those who argued
that a charter of rights would transfer undue power from elected polit-
icians and into the hands of unelected and unaccountable judges. Pre-
mier Allan Blakeney of Saskatchewan was perhaps the most articulate
critic of an entrenched charter. Blakeney’s concerns over the charter
stemmed from his social democratic principles and the belief that the
state was a positive instrument for achieving social justice and equal-
ity.7 For Blakeney, a charter of rights would expand the authority of
unaccountable and socially conser vative judges, who would thwart the
redistributive goals of the state. Blakeney was particularly troubled by
the American experience with the Bill of Rights during the “Lochner
era” in the early twentieth century, in which the U.S. Supreme Court
rolled back a wide variety of socially progressive statutes.8 For Blake-
ney, the legislature was the appropriate body to balance individual and
collective interests. Blakeney believed that rights are best protected by
Parliament and not by a constitution that is interpreted by the courts.9
In the end, Blakeney was prepared to accept an entrenched charter of
rights only if it included a “notwith standing” clause, which he believed
would permit legislatures to en sure that the courts did not unduly limit
the choices made by elected politicians.10
6 These negotiations are d iscussed in Chapter 5, sect ion C(4).
7 See, generally, D. Greunding, Promi ses to Keep: A Political Biography of Allan
Blakeney (Saskatoon: Western P roducer Prairie Books, 199 0) at 192–96.
8 The Lochner era refers to the per iod from 1905–37, in which the U.S. Supreme
Court held that t he guarantee of “due process of law” i n the fourteenth amend-
ment required cour ts to assess the sub stantive fairnes s of legislation. This era
of substantive due pro cess began with Lochne r v. New York, 198 U.S. 45 (1905),
in which the U.S. Supreme Cou rt struck down a New York statute imposi ng
maximum hou rs of work in bakeries, on the bas is that the statute inter fered
with freedom of cont ract. When the U.S. Supreme Court stuck dow n a number
of New Deal statute s on a similar basis i n the mid-1930s, President Frankli n
Delano Roose velt threatened to “pack the Cour t” with additional appoint ees
more favourable to the gover nment’s position. In West Coast Hotel v. Parrish,
300 U.S. 379 (1937), Lochner and the other subst antive due process case s of that
era were overr uled. Since 1937, the U.S. Supreme Court ha s applied minimal
scrutiny to s ocial and economic legislat ion limiting libert y of contract.
9 R. Sheppard & M. Valpy, The National Deal: The Fight for a Canadian Con stitu-
tion (Toronto: Fleet Books, 1982) at 145.
10R.J. Romanow, J.D. Whyte, & H.A. Leeson , Canada—Notwithstanding: The
Making of the Constituti on, 1976–1982 (Toronto: Carswell/Methuen , 1984) at
197–214. The notwithst anding clause was incor porated in s. 33 of the Charter.
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