The Endless American Debate

AuthorKent Roach
Pages15-33
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15
The
Endless
American
Debate
To
understand
why
people
in
Canada
are
concerned about judicial
activism,
it is
essential
to
understand judicial activism
in the
United
States.
The
United States Supreme Court
has a
two-hundred-year histo-
ry of
enforcing
the
Bill
of
Rights,
and
this history dramatically demon-
strates
the
dangers
of
judicial
activism.
The
Court's ruling protecting
the
property rights
of
slaveholders
was
reversed
by a
constitutional amend-
ment
only
after
the
bloody Civil War.
The
Court's
decisions
striking
down
the New
Deal during
the
Great Depression
of the
1930s
forced
the
president
to
threaten
to
pack
the
Court with
six new
judges,
before
the
Court
itself backed
off
in
what
has
come
to be
known
as
"the switch
in
time that saved nine."
The
Court's
finest
hour
was its
1954 decision that
racially
segregated public schools were
unconstitutional,
but
that deci-
sion itself reversed
an
earlier
one
that "separate" could
be
"equal."
It
also
faced
massive resistance,
and
public schools remained segregated until
the
courts ordered busing,
a
very unpopular remedy.
The
Court's deci-
sions over
the
last
four
decades establishing detailed rules regulating
abortion
and
police powers, prohibiting school prayer,
and
allowing
flag
burning have also been unpopular,
but
generally impervious
to
change.
Even
a
short history
of the
United States Supreme Court should
shake
any
complacency about
the
possible dangers
of
judicial activism.
Those
on the
left
have bitterly complained
of
judicial activism that
struck
down government regulation,
and
those
on the
right have severe-
ly
criticized
the
Court's usurpation
of
democracy
on
many social issues.
Today,
the
United States Supreme Court
is
hounded
from
both sides
and
there
is
very little that Americans
can do
about
the
Court's decisions.
The
Fragility
of
American
Judicial
Review
The
framers
of the
American Constitution
did not
stipulate clearly
whether
federal
courts such
as the
Supreme Court should
be
able
to
enforce
the
constitution
against
the
federal and, especially,
the
state
governments. Alexander Hamilton,
one of the
leading architects
of the
1787
constitution,
was the
most inclined
to
give
the
independent judici-
ary
this power. Nevertheless,
in
response
to
many
who
opposed judicial
review
as an
almost monarchical power
something that
was
taken
16
PART
1:
WHAT
IS
JUDICIAL
ACTIVISM?
very
seriously
in the
wake
of the
American
Revolution
Hamilton
stressed
that
the
judiciary
was the
"least dangerous branch"
of
govern-
ment. Possessed with "neither
Force
nor
Will
but
merely
judgment,"
the
Court
"must ultimately depend upon
the aid of the
executive
arm
even
for
the
efficacy
of its
judgments." Hamilton also argued
that
the
ability
of
the
legislature
to
impeach judges would help
to
prevent "deliberate
usurpations
on the
authority
of the
legislature."1
The
United States
Supreme
Court
was on
precarious ground
from
the
start.
A
1793
Supreme
Court
decision requiring
a
state
to
defend
its
actions
in
federal
court
was
reversed
by a
1798
constitutional amend-
ment that
federal
courts could
not
entertain lawsuits brought against
states
by
citizens
of
other states
or
countries.
Well
into
the
twentieth
century, controversy continued about
the
extent
to
which
the
Bill
of
Rights
applied
to
state governments.
The
First Amendment,
for
example,
provides only that "Congress
shall
make
no
laws" abridging
freedom
of
speech, religion,
and
assembly.
The
battle
cry of the
rights
of the
states
to
govern themselves
free
of
federal
interference continues
to be an
important
feature
of
arguments
against
the
power
of the
federal
courts
to
enforce
the
Bill
of
Rights.
Many people oppose judicial activism
not
only because
the
judges
of the
Supreme Court
are
unelected
but
because they
are
part
of the
federal
government. When
the
Supreme
Court
intervened
in the
2000
presidential election, millions
of
Americans
saw it as
both judicial interference with democracy
and
fed-
eral interference with
the
states.
The
American origins
of
judicial review
are
found
in the
curious
case
ofMarbury
v.
Madison2
The
case
was
brought
by
Marbury,
who had
been given
a
patronage appointment
as a
justice
of the
peace
in the
dying days
of an old
administration.
The new
administration under
President Thomas
Jefferson
refused
to
make
the
appointment,
and
Marbury
went
to
court.
The
Supreme Court indicated that Marbury
was
entitled
to the
appointment,
but
decided that,
under
the
constitution,
it
did
not
have jurisdiction
to
force
the
president
to
make
the
appointment.
The
case
is now
famous
for the
Court's emphatic statements that
the
constitution
was the
supreme
law and "it is,
emphatically,
the
province
and
duty
of the
judicial department,
to say
what
the law
is."
This
argu-
ment
has
been
used again
and
again
by the
Court
to
justify
the
suprema-
cy of its
rulings
in the
face
of
opposition.
In the
actual case
of
Marbury
v.
Madison,
however,
it was
used
to
"reject
and
assume power
in the
same
breath"
and to
avoid
a
confrontation with
a new
Jefferson
admin-
istration that would likely
not
have obeyed
the
Court's order
to
make
good
on the
patronage appointment. President
Jefferson
was no
friend
of
the
Supreme
Court
and he
believed that
the
previous administration,

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