The Myths of Right Answers

AuthorKent Roach
Pages225-238
225
The
Myths
of
Right Answers
If
the
endless debate about whether
the
Court
has
engaged
in
judicial
activism
is not the
answer, where
do we go
from
here?
The
convention-
al
answer
is
towards
a
theory that attempts
to
define
a
role
for
judges
that will produce right answers
and
decisions that
are
consistent with
democracy.
One
problem,
and it is an
embarrassing one,
is
that there
are too
many right-answer theories.
Take
the
four
judgments that were
written
in
Morgentaler
when
the
Court
struck
the
abortion
law
down.
In
his
dissent, Justice
Mclntyre
looked
to the
text
and the
intent
of the
framers
for
right answers
and
found
that
the
framers
had
intended that
the
Charter
and the
judges remain neutral
on the
divisive
and
delicate
abortion issue.
At the
other
end of the
spectrum, Justice Wilson looked
to
moral principles
for the
right answer
and
found
that
a
woman's right
to
an
early abortion
was
required
in
order
to
respect
her
liberty
and
free-
dom
of
conscience.
In
between were
the
judgments
of
Chief Justice
Dickson
and
Justice
Beetz.
They looked
for
right answers
in the
balance
of
substantive values that
had
already been struck
by
Parliament
and
the
need
that
women seeking
an
abortion
be
subject
to a
fair
process.
All
four
judgments
in
Morgentaler
are
arguably "compatible with
the
Charter
of
Rights
and
Freedoms because
the
Charter
is
worded generally
and
subject
to
varying
interpretations."1
But a
conclusion that
the
judges
can
be all
over
the map and
that
they
can all
point
to a
respectable
theory
to
justify
their position will hardly
satisfy
those
who are
concerned
about
judicial activism.
Nor
should
it.
Another problem
is the
very idea that judges
can
impose
one
right
answer,
any
right answer,
on the
people.
The
three main theories
of
judicial
review
judges finding right
answers
in the
text
and
intent
of
the
framers,
or the
ground rules
of
democracy,
or
moral principles
were
all
produced
by
Americans
for
Americans. They attempt
to
justify
decisions such
as the
ruling
in
Brown
v.
Board
of
Education
that racial
segregation
was
unconstitutional while avoiding
the
excesses
of
consti-
tutionalizing economic policies,
as in
Lochner,
and,
for
some, abortion
policy,
as in Roe v.
Wade.
All
assume that
so
long
as
judges reach
the
right answers, democracy will
be
preserved, even though
the
legislature
and the
people
may not
agree
and
have
no
alternative
but to
accept
the
Court's
decision.
This
does
not
satisfy
those concerned that judicial
activism will usurp democracy.
Nor
should
it.
Chapter 12

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