The impact of media on fear of crime among university students: a cross-national comparison.

• Author: Kohm, Steven A.

Introduction

This exploratory study examines the impact of media on fear of crime in a cross-national context. Using samples of university students in Canada and the United States, we explore the fear-media relationship alongside more traditional predictors of fear of crime. Our study adds a new wrinkle to a well-established literature in criminology. Since the 1960s, fear of crime has been a significant research issue for Canadian and American scholars (Conklin 1975; Kohm 2009; McIntyre 1967; Roberts 2001; Skogan and Maxfield 1981; Stanko 1995; Weinrath, Clarke, and Forde 2007). Much of the research is motivated by the assumption that fear itself can be debilitating and produce harmful social outcomes. Fear is thought to produce avoidance and protective behaviours including restricting movement and constraining socialization, both of which can erode informal control and impede life satisfaction (Clemente and Kleiman 1977; Dobbs, Waid, and Shelley 2009; Ferraro 1995, 1996; Hale 1996; Warr 1984, 2000). Over the decades there has been considerable debate about how the fear of crime is conceptualized. Sacco (2005) has suggested that fear of crime has several dimensions: (1) cognitive, which focuses on citizens' estimation of their likelihood of victimization; (2) emotional, which centres on individuals' feelings about crime; and (3) behavioural, which focuses on how people respond to fear of perceived risk of victimization. Killias and Clerici (2000) have argued that vulnerability (the perceived ability to escape or defend against a youthful attacker) is also an important concept underlying fear. However, several researchers argue that fear of crime is a distinctly affective--thus emotional--and physiologic response to perceived danger (Ferraro 1995; Warr 2000) and is conceptually different from the cognitive component of perceived risk of victimization (Chiricos, Eschholz, and Gertz 1997; Eschholz, Chiricos, and Gertz 2003; Rountree and Land 1996). Most recently, Gray, Jackson, and Farrall (2011) have argued that fear of crime ought to be conceptualized by distinguishing between generalized anxieties and more concrete episodes of fear, as well as by differentiating "functional/productive and dysfunctional/counterproductive effects of everyday worries and anxieties" (76). This revised conceptualization of fear is thought to allow for a better understanding of how citizens are motivated to protect themselves in specific situations by engaging in precautionary behaviours (Gray et al. 2008, 2011; Jackson and Gray 2010). Limitations of space prevent us from a more detailed review of these conceptual issues. Nevertheless, we acknowledge that this is an evolving area of scholarship, and we are sensitive to the complexities of conceptualizing fear. However, as an exploratory study, we hope this article may contribute to the literature by illuminating the impact of media on fear of crime in a cross-national perspective. We believe our conclusions, though somewhat tentative, set the stage for further research on fear of crime in an international context.

Indirect victimization and fear of crime

Conceptual debate aside, it is perhaps surprising that fear levels have not changed among citizens of either Canada or the United States despite decreases in crime rates, especially violent crimes such as murder (Forde 1993; Roberts 2001; Weinrath et al. 2007). It has been hypothesized that elevated levels of fear are the result of perceived vulnerability to crime, which can occur because of past victimization events or through indirect victimization via media exposure to crime news or crime fiction. Through media exposure, individuals learn of crime events that have occurred at the local or national level (Skogan and Maxfield 1981; Taylor and Hale 1986; Weinrath et al. 2007). Studies have shown that news reports concentrate heavily on crime and criminal justice (Chermak 1995; Ericson, Baranek, and Chan 1991; Garofalo 1981; Graber 1980; Reiner 2002; Surette 2007). Much of what the public knows about crime and criminal justice is constructed from media accounts, and fear of crime may increase because of such exposure (Dowler 2003; Gilchrist, Bannister, Ditton, and Farrall 1998; Roberts and Doob 1990; Surette 1998). It has been suggested that media reports on crime can generate fear among the public and perhaps even create moral panics (Chermak 1994).

Comparing fear of crime

International comparative research on fear of crime is relatively rare, but several recent studies have used the United Nations International Crime Victims Survey (ICVS) (e.g. van Dijk, van Kesteren, and Smit 2007). The ICVS incorporates one measure of fear of crime ("How safe do you feel walking alone in your area after dark?") and one question measuring perceived risk of burglary ("What would you say are the chances that over the next twelve months someone will try to break into your home?"). According to van Dijk et al. (2007), of the 30 countries surveyed, the United States reported the second lowest level of concern about burglary (16% felt a burglary in the next 12 months was likely or very likely), while Canadians reported much higher levels of concern (25%) closer to the average of 29% across all nations. However, for both nations, the level of concern had declined since 1989. The proportion of citizens reporting feeling somewhat or very unsafe walking alone at night was comparable between the United States (19%) and Canada (17%), with fear levels tending to decrease over time (van Dijk et al. 2007: 132).

Like all fear-of-crime research, the ICVS can be subject to methodological criticism. The two perceptual items discussed above may not fully measure fear--which can be thought of as "an emotion, a feeling of alarm or dread caused by an awareness or expectation of danger" (Warr 2000: 453). Instead, such questions only measure perceived risk or require participants to speculate about a hypothetical scenario (e.g., walking alone after dark). Researchers who are interested in fear of crime would be better advised to ask very specific questions about particular crime types (e.g., "How fearful are you about having someone break into your home?"). A considerable strength of the present study is that it uses offence-specific measures to analyse fear of crime among Canadian and American university students comparatively. The present study seeks to fill a gap in the fear-of-crime literature by cross-nationally comparing fear levels among students in the United States and Canada. Furthermore, this study seeks to determine what impact, if any, different types of media, and the level of exposure to specific sources, might have on fear of crime among American and Canadian respondents.

Theorizing media and fear of crime

Several frameworks have been developed to explain how media affect fear of crime. Unlike the real world thesis (i.e., direct experience with crime influences fear), these perspectives stem from the indirect victimization model (Weinrath et al. 2007). According to this model, secondhand information like the news--not direct experience with crime--raises citizens' fears and makes them feel that victimization is likely (Covington and Taylor 1991; Lane and Meeker 2003; Skogan and Maxfield 1981). Thus, individuals receiving media messages about crime become indirect victims through their fear. Three perspectives on media and fear derived from the indirect victimization model--cultivation, substitution, and resonance--are discussed, in turn, below.

Cultivation theory holds that there will be an increase in fear of crime as media consumption of violent crime stories increases. Over a period, most residents of a particular media market will be exposed, albeit at varying levels, to the patterns of programming on television. These effects can accumulate and affect fear levels over time. Media stories are organized in a fashion that leaves the consumer with the impression that violent crime is random, likely, and inexplicable (Gerbner and Gross 1976; Heath and Petraitis 1987; Surette 1998; Weitzer and Kubrin 2004). Cultivation theory has garnered little empirical support and is vulnerable to a number of criticisms (Cumberbatch and Howitt 1989; Gunter 1987; Heath and Gilbert 1996; Sparks 1992; Zillman and Wakshlag 1985). From a substantive angle, cultivation does not adequately explain differential effects of news reports on individuals, as some viewers may also have real world experiences that contribute to their fear. In addition, others have postulated that media content has a limited effect and consumers will choose items that resonate with their worldview (Shrum 2002). Methodologically, it is difficult to determine if media consumption, specifically television viewing, causes citizens to be fearful or if fear debilitates individuals, keeping them in their homes to view more television (Doyle 2006).

The substitution perspective holds that crime-related media stories cause increased fear among individuals with no personal victimization experience (Gunter 1987; Weaver and Wakshlag 1986; Weitzer and Kubrin 2004). This perspective builds on the cultivation framework but accounts for audience characteristics. Individuals who are insulated from crime (i.e., those living in low crime areas who have never been victimized) are thought to be more susceptible to media images. While intuitively appealing, this perspective has not received much empirical attention from criminologists. Chiricos et al. (1997) found limited support for substitution among high income 'white' women only. Similarly, Weaver and Wakshlag (1986) have demonstrated some support for this perspective.

The resonance perspective states that the media will increase fear when the media content is consistent with experience (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, and Signorielli 1980; Weitzer and Kubrin 2004). Thus, the media reinforce what individuals experience in the real world. As Eschholz (1997)...