Freedom of Expression and the Constitution

AuthorRobert Martin
ProfessionFaculty of Law The University of Western Ontario
Pages23-53
What effect has Canada’s federal structure had on freedom of expres-
sion? To answer this question it is necessary to examine the division of
powers and responsibilities between the two levels of government and
to see how this division has been interpreted by the courts in such a
way as to provide a limited degree of constitutional protection for free-
dom of expression. Similarly, the Canadian Charter of Rights and Free-
doms has created a substantive guarantee of freedom of expression.1
The basic principle of constitutional government is that the state is
subject to the law. The state and all its organs must act within the rules
set out in the constitution. Section 52(1) of the Constitution Act, 1982,2
expresses this principle clearly by stating that “[t]he Constitution of
Canada is the supreme law of Canada.” Consequently, any act of the
state which is not in accordance with the requirements of the Consti-
tution is invalid. Thus, to the extent that the Constitution protects free-
dom of expression, state acts that interfere with free expression may be
open to challenge before the courts and, if the challenge is successful,
may be declared invalid.
23
Freedom of
Expression and
the Constitution
chapter 1
1 Part I of the Constitution Act, 1982, being Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982
(U.K.), 1982, c. 11, s. 2(b) [hereinafter Charter].
2 Being Schedule B to the Canada Act 1982 (U.K.), 1982, c. 11, s. 52(1).
A. Federalism
1) General Considerations
For 115 years after Confederation, Canada’s written Constitution con-
sisted largely of the British North America Act of 1867.3Nowhere in the
text of that Act is there reference to freedom of speech, freedom of
expression, freedom of the press, or anything similar. The central pur-
pose of the B.N.A. Act was to create Canada’s institutions of govern-
ment. More specifically, it set out the basic elements of the federal
system, dividing the authority to make laws between the Parliament of
Canada and the provincial legislatures. The B.N.A. Act did not contain
any formal protection for rights. The limits it established on law-mak-
ing authority were functional rather than substantive.
The task of interpreting the B.N.A. Act and, more particularly, the
way it apportioned law-making powers between Ottawa and the
provinces was left to the courts. It is worth spending some time
describing the federal structure set out in the Act and the way that
structure was elaborated by the courts. The B.N.A. Act, like all federal
constitutions, is organized around lists of legislative subject-matters.
Section 91 lists the areas in which Parliament, the federal legislature,
has the authority to make laws. These areas tend to be national in
scope and significance. Sections 92, 92A, and 93 list the areas in which
the provincial legislatures may make laws, areas that are more local in
scope. Section 95 sets out those areas — agriculture and immigration
— where legislatures at both levels may make laws.
The judicial approach to dispute resolution, despite substantial
oscillation over the years between preferences for either a centralized
or a decentralized approach to Canadian federalism, is quite simple.
When someone challenges the validity of a statute — for example, a
provincial statute — the court must determine whether that statute is
within the powers of the provincial legislature to enact (intra vires, and,
therefore, constitutional) or whether it is beyond the powers of the
provincial legislature to enact (ultra vires, and, therefore, unconstitu-
tional). The court will follow a two-stage approach. In the first stage, it
will examine the impugned law to determine its subject-matter and to
discover what that law is really all about. This stage is described as
“characterizing” the law. Having determined the subject-matter of the
law, the court will then go to the lists in the Constitution to see where
24 Media Law
3 (U.K.), 30 & 31 Vict., c. 3.

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